Figure 3. Gross felling in Põlva County by felling type in state and private forests
Tartu 1998
Introduction
1. Estonian forests and forestry
2. Estonian forestry and traditions - main characteristics and special aspects
3. Forest resources and forestry in the county of Põlva
4. Underlying causes of deforestation, possible solutions and strategies
Conclusions
References
The current case study analyses the underlying causes of deforestation in the County of Põlva. Põlva County is an area of very intensive forest use in Estonia (see Figure 1).
Figure 1. Felling intensity in Estonia (1997) (cubic meters solid volume per hectare) and case study area (Põlva County) (by Forestry 1/98, 1998).
There are several ecological and socio-economic reasons for very intensive forest use such as low employment rate, unsuccessful agricultural policy and several aspects of state regional policy. The study attempts to analyse the complex interactions of direct and indirect causes for intensive forest utilisation. For background information a description of the Estonian forestry management and administration system is given.
1.1 Socio-economic background
After regaining her independence in 1991 Estonia opted for politically and economically liberal development. The Republic of Estonia is small on a world scale: 1.5 million habitants and total area 45 000 km2. The Estonian economy in Soviet times was build up on an extensive and inefficient agriculture and food industry (free energy, equipment and fertilisers from USSR), defence industries, oil-shale based energy production (caused many environmental problems) and wood processing (furniture). After the collapse of the Soviet Union the new markets for these products were all unstable and unknown. In her new political and economic situation Estonia had to find a new concept for development. The only resources that could be actively used were oil shale, timber and building materials. Her new geopolitical location in the northern part of Europe provided a market for timber products and tourism; re-export between the East and West also had an important roll for the national economy. In this context forestry and timber industries grew fast and achieved important positions in the national economy.
Estonia’s foreign trade in 1997 amounted to 101.7 billion kroons (1 US$ is worth 14 Estonian kroons), of which export accounted for 40.4 billion kroons and import for 61.3 billion kroons. In comparison to 1996, the foreign trade deficit increased by almost 54%, extending to 20.9 billion kroons. Regarding export in 1997, first place was held by machinery and equipment (17%), followed by livestock and provisions (16%), textile products (12%) and wood and wood products (11%). Total export of wood, wood products and paper and furniture was 17.5 % of total export capacity. In comparison to 1996 the export capacity of practically all wood products increased (Economic and Information Centre of Forestry, 1998). Hand in hand with economic growth, the pressure of industrial use on forests is growing fast.
1.2. Forest resources
According to the latest official land survey the area of woodland in the Republic of Estonia is 2 015 500 ha, 1 942 500 ha (96.4%) of which is managed forest land. 885 700 ha (45.6%) of the managed forest land is comprised of state forests, and 160 900 ha (8.3%) is comprised of private forests (Yearbook Forest 98, 1998).
Table 1. Composition of stands by species (totals for Estonia)
| Dominant tree |
Per cent (%) of |
||
|
woodland |
stands |
Growing stock |
|
| Pine |
37.7 |
38.2 |
39.1 |
| Spruce |
23.5 |
22.5 |
25.1 |
| Birch |
30.2 |
30.6 |
27.1 |
| Grey alder |
4.3 |
4.5 |
4.0 |
| Other |
4.2 |
4.2 |
4.7 |
The composition of stands according to tree species differs greatly in private and state forests, which is primarily due to the different origin of stands; management of state forests has been carried out more or less consistently and systematically while most private forests have emerged naturally on former agricultural lands. For example, stands with prevailing coniferous trees constitute 67.8% of the total area in state forests and in private forests 53.8%.
The average growing stock per hectare in Estonian forests is closely connected with the age distribution of stands, on the one hand, and with the conditions in the growing sites of stands.
Table 2. Average growing stock per hectare by dominant tree species (totals for Estonia)
| Dominant tree |
State forests
Growing stock (m3) per ha |
Private forests
Growing stock (m3) per ha |
| Pine |
172 |
199 |
| Spruce |
158 |
214 |
| Birch |
166 |
159 |
| Grey alder |
133 |
153 |
| Aspen |
263 |
219 |
1.3. Felling
5.5 million cubic meters of solid volume (m3) of timber was felled in 1997, which is 37% more than in 1996. The extent of final felling in 1997 was 3.3 mill. m3 , ie 60% of the total felling for the year. In 1997, 2.88 million m3 was felled in state forests, which is 6% more than in the previous year. Of the wood harvested from state forests, the most important was spruce - 41%, followed by pine- 25% and birch - 21%.
2.2 million m3 was felled on private land in 1997, of which final fellings formed 1.5 million m3 while improvement and other fellings -- 0.7 million m3 . The extent of felling on private land increased 2.4 times. 408.6 thousand m3 was felled in 1997 from the forests belonging to other landowners (municipal etc).
1.4. Illegal logging and other violations
In the national general report 1112 violations of law connected with material damage in forests were registered. These are mostly illegal fellings. If the thieves get away with an average quantity of timber on each occasion then the total loss for the country would be over 50 000 m3 p.a.. The number of illegal felling and other violations is growing. This can be explained by the lack of state control over natural resources, especially after a not very successful reform of forestry districts and the forestry control.
2.1. Legislation
The Estonian Forest Law, adopted in 1993 (Metsaseadus RT I 1993, 69, 990) is a base for other administrative regulations in forestry and forest protection. Because of rapid political and economical changes in Estonia, a new Forest Law is being prepared, and will come before parliament during 1998. It will change the old law in many aspects, especially concerning environmental issues and effective use of resources. The new Forest Law is being prepared on the basis of the Estonian Forest Policy, adopted in 1997 (Estonian Forest Policy, 1997).
Estonian environmental legislation is based on the frame laws - Law on the Protection of Nature (1990) and Law of Sustainable Development (1995). These acts provide a basis for the elaboration of more detailed laws and administrative regulations on environmental protection, nature conservation, use of natural resources and pollution control. Estonian environmental law is a relatively new area of legislation and has been continuously revised and amended. The laws are sometimes overlapping and sometimes they leave gaps and in this way some aspects are not regulated anywhere. The need for a legal-systematic approach is obvious (Veinla, 1997).
The institutional system of environmental protection and forestry, as part of it, consists of (Kuresoo, 1998):
The Parliament (Riigikogu) as the legislative body;
The Government of Estonia as highest executive body;
The Ministry of Environment with its sub-structures;
The National Forestry Board with 15 county forest departments and sub-units.
The National Forestry Board is responsible for the development of national forestry policy and its implementation and for inspection and accounting of the forest resources. It promotes timber production and the use of other forest resources together with the protection of the forest ecosystem and its diversity. The Forestry Board has local administrative units in each county. The Estonian forest policy provides for division of current state forestry administration into two institutions: The Forestry Board, as a state institution, shall remain responsible for the normative functions and the State Forest Management Service (not existing yet) shall represent the economic interests of the state as a forest-owner.
The Forest Fund is a foundation created with special law and it exists independently from the state budget. Its function is the promotion of the regeneration, protection and research of forest resources and the funding of other projects in forestry. The fund is mainly financed from stumping levies.
The Estonian Forest Survey Centre promotes the elaboration of the management plans of Estonian forests (both state-owned and private) based on forest surveys. The management plans must balance the desire for the highest possible profit with the requirement to maintain the ecological qualities of the forest.
The Centre of Forest Protection and Silviculture promotes the protection of regenerative capacities and the genetic pool of Estonian forests.
Forest management and control is organised separately for state owned and private forests. State forests are managed by the system of Forest Districts (in 1998, 105) administering a total area of 1 489 526 ha, with a forest area of 1 099 637 ha. Head foresters with their own office, foresters and financial accounting manage Forestry Districts.
The County Forest Departments control private forestry with the help of a forester and private forest officers. Unfortunately the private forestry sector has less controls and resources to manage all the necessary functions.
2.3. Estonian forestry traditions
The historical background of forestry and forest management in Estonia makes it unique in many aspects. The traditions and education from the old German forestry (19th century) school and from Soviet forestry still exist at different levels in forestry and in the mentality of foresters. For example, an ideally managed forest for many foresters is a clean and well-managed park-forest based on silvicultural methods; dead wood and more natural ecosystems are still cleared by foresters as are logging areas with all organic matter being burnt after the timber is sold. Forests are divided into forest sections bounded by rides (sizes vary, normally less than 1 km2). These sections are divided into smaller ecologically homogeneous units with a special description in the Forestry management plan. Estonian Forest Survey Centre promotes the elaboration of management plans and the survey of units every 10 years. During the 1950s-1980s wetland areas were drained in many regions but in many cases the drainage system does not work effectively.
Presently, the Scandinavian style of forestry is influencing forest policy and management. Many new ideas concerning biodiversity and more sustainable management practices have been adopted with the help of governmental programs (Estonian Forestry Development Program) and private firms from Scandinavia.
Estonian forestry is greatly influenced by the country’s open market policy, which makes the local market dependent on world market developments. In many cases the large Scandinavian firms influence the market and prices with dumping and cartel contracts and local firms have difficulties in coping.
3.1. The County of Põlva - a brief presentation
The County of Põlva is situating in the south-eastern part of Estonia. The total area of the county is 2164 km2. Its total population is 35 449, population density is 16.4 persons per km2. The administrative centre of the county is the town of Põlva with a total population of 6758.
The county of Põlva has a relatively young population: mean age for the whole county is 38,7 years. In 1997 the age spread of the population was: 0-14 years, 21%; 15-64 years, 62% and over 65 years, 17%. 1741 people were registered as unemployed.
In 1997, 9100 cars were registered as well as 2500 trucks and buses. In 1997, 28 telephones were registered for every 100 inhabitants. There were 938 enterprises, 198 municipal and state organisations, 1454 farmers and 214 non-governmental organisations registered in Põlva county.
3.2. Nature and nature conservation
101,3 km2 of county territory (5%) is subject to various forms of nature protection - landscape protection areas and natural parks. The area of strictly protected zones (nature reserves) is less than 1%. The protected areas in Põlva county consist of the following landscape reserves: Ahja, Puisa and Võhandu river valley landscape reserves; Mustoja upland landscape reserve; Meenikunno and Valgesoo wetland area landscape reserves. In terms of zoological reserves, there is an important forest ant protection area in Aktse and special reserves to protect the nesting sites of eagles and the black stork.
3.3. Forest resources and management
Põlva county has 5 state Forestry Districts with a total area of 55 000 ha, which constitutes 60% of the total forest land in the county (92 000 ha). Half of the forest land is not privatised yet due to the slow progress of land reform.
Table 3. Mean statistical characteristics of Põlva county forests by dominant tree species.
|
Dominant tree species |
Owner |
Per cent (%)of the total |
Growing stock per ha
m3 |
Average age
of stands
(yrs) |
|
|
Stands area |
growing stock |
||||
|
Pine
|
State Private |
59.4
53.8 |
67.6
56.6 |
220
242 |
70
71 |
| Spruce |
State Private |
18.6
16.7 |
14.3
18.6 |
177
257 |
47
69 |
| Birch |
State Private |
19.0
24.5 |
15.3
20.7 |
191
194 |
47
44 |
| Grey alder |
State Private |
0.2
3.3 |
0.1
2.4 |
88
168 |
23
32 |
| Aspen |
State Private |
1.9
1.3 |
2.3
1.4 |
290
256 |
53
50 |
The structure of forest stands according to dominant tree species in the county of Põlva differs from the Estonian average: there are more pine forests and less spruce and birch forests (see Table 3). The average timber volume per hectare is the highest in Estonia: 207 m3 for state, and 230 m3 for private forest. The age of forests is also higher than the Estonian average. For example pine forests have an especially high percentage of stands over 80 years old - more than 30%. This makes forests valuable for both the timber business and biodiversity in general.
3.4. Felling
During the last five years forest use in the county of Põlva has been the most intensive of all the Estonian counties. The valuable pine and spruce forests had a felling intensity of more than 4.5 m3 sol. vol. per ha, which is a very high rate for Estonian conditions and can result in deforestation. In 1997 the total volume of final felling (clear-cut) was 267 000 m3 , maintenance felling 168 000 m3 , selection felling 16 000 m3 and other felling types 3 700 m3, in total 455 000 m3 .
In 1997 the total volume of final felling (clear-cut) was 267 000 m3 , maintenance felling 168 000 m3 , selection felling 16 000 m3 and other felling types 3 700 m3 in total 455 000 m3 .The rate of logging activities in Põlva county is growing. Recent years a rapid growth of clear-cuts and the rate of selective logging is also growing. Figure 3 shows logging rates by logging types in Põlva county in 1997.
Figure 3. Gross felling in Põlva County by felling type in state and private forests
The number of violations of forest protection regulations is growing very rapidly. The reasons for this are ineffective control, lack of resources, not very successful reform of forestry and forest management and a growing number of firms working with illegal methods. Until now the government has had no real strategy for fighting illegal logging. The unfortunate aspect of illegal logging is that the best forest and trees are logged. Figure 4 shows the number of illegal logging for the last three years.
Figure 4. Illegally felled timber in Põlva County (1995-1997).
3.5. Historical overview of deforestation in Põlva county
Logging rate and deforestation have been issues in Estonia in earlier times too. Generally, such "bad" periods are connected with industrial or political changes in the society. The first of these were connected with ship building in the last two centuries; as a result all resources of good timber in coastal areas of Estonia were used up and buyers then moved into inland areas. Archives hold many records of contracts to buy the best trees in a region for shipbuilding. Following industrial growth in the last century local industry used timber for fuel in vodka processing and different local scale manufacturing. Many regions including those in county of Põlva were deforested then, especially forests near rivers and villages. The next hard time for Estonian and Põlva forests was the first land reform after independence in 1918. In 1920s the governmental land reform gave land and forest for building farms to most interested people in the country. The deforestation carried out in this period is still noticeable in our forests today, especially on private lands. After the Second World War the Soviet government implemented a special reconstruction policy for building up regional industry and houses destroyed in war, the result of which was giving permission for the logging of large areas. The only limiting factors were labour and transportation routes. Logging was most intense near rivers and Lake Peipsi. In the 1950s and 60s there was an afforestation programme: Soviet collective-farm agriculture did not wish to use fields in small villages far from transportation routes. In total, hundreds of thousands of hectares were forested naturally or planted in this period. This is the reason why Estonian forested areas showed such a rapid growth in the Soviet period.
Nowadays, new political changes have influenced forestry in Estonia. Forestry has become a way of surviving in the countryside and for collecting starting capital. After a two-year lull in forestry activities during 1992 and 1993, 1994 brought a new upturn in Estonian forestry. The rapid development of forestry was promoted by several factors, including: (1) the emergence of an export market for pulpwood, which had little value in Estonia during the Soviet period; (2) the development of an export market for sawlogs and sawn material that enabled the birth of successful local saw mills; (3) the integration of timber prices on the local market with world market prices, and the greater demand for lumber by the rapidly growing local construction industry; (4) the rising price of imported fuel forced more of the local population to turn to wood as a cheaper energy source; and (5) enterprises, persuaded by the continued economic reforms, began dealing extensively in the forestry sector (Ahas, Larson, 1996).
3.6. Forest use economics and timber revenues in Estonia
The economic analysis in this paper attempts to address two policy questions for the management of Estonian forests. First, is the current level of harvesting a concern for meeting environmental objectives? And second, how much income is generated from harvests, and how is this income divided among various stages/groups in forestry (i.e. the government, harvesting, processing, and exporting)?
Figure 5. Comparison of local budget and forestry costs and profits on a commune level (Ahas, Larson, 1996).
On both a private and public level, Estonia will continue to manage this natural asset for the multiple services it provides. For example, forests provide what economists call non-consumptive use benefits created by tourism and the protection of natural habitats. Forests also provide consumptive use benefits created by harvesting and selling timber and related forestry sector activities (processing, transportation and export). There can be some conflict in meeting these multiple objectives for non-consumptive and consumptive use benefits.
Table 4. Distribution of Net Revenues from Forestry in the Case Study Region (1997)
|
Stage |
Notation |
EEK (million) |
Percentage Total |
|
Government Direct Revenues |
NR(G) |
27.4 |
13,70% |
| Sawlogs | |||
| Harvest |
NR(SL;H) |
43.4 |
21,70% |
| Saw Mill |
NR(SL;M) |
52 |
26,00% |
| Export |
NR(SL;E) |
43.2 |
21,60% |
| Pulpwood | |||
| Harvest |
NR(PW;H) |
18.6 |
9,30% |
| Export |
NR(PW;E) |
13 |
6,50% |
| Firewood |
NR(FW;H) |
2.4 |
1,20% |
| Total |
200 |
100% |
Altogether, the data shows that harvests levels are small relative to the amount of standing volume and past harvest levels, and are as specified in management plans for the region. It can be concluded that the current level of harvesting, or even substantially higher levels, are very consistent with meeting the Estonian forest management objectives of supplying non-consumptive use benefits to the economy. Estonian forest prices are integrated with world market prices, and the relatively competitive pricing policy has generated an additional benefit for Estonia. The price paid for harvesting rights to sawlogs has risen to such an extent that it has become less profitable to export unprocessed material and more profitable to process products locally. As a result, more domestic Estonian value-addition is being generated. Based on existing data, it is estimated that forestry generates about EEK 200 million (a little over $US 15 million) in the case study region, with the government earning about 15% of this directly through stumpage sales and other taxes. Of the remainder, about 55% is generated by harvesting and processing, with the export of sawn material and pulpwood accounting for about 30% of the total revenue.
3.7. Direct causes of deforestation and forest degradation
The only direct cause of deforestation in Estonia is logging. Forest fires and oil-shale mining have a very small impact on deforestation. For example in 1997 the area affected by forest fires in Estonia was 1146 ha.
4.1 Identification of underlying causes
4.1.1 Economy in transition
A growing need to consume on a western level is encouraging people to sell whatever they can. The returned property to former owners (farmland with an average of 2-10 ha of forest) is the easiest source of starting capital or income from selling timber.
Poverty and social inequality have a strong impact on the underlying causes of deforestation. There are contrasts in society between old and young generations and rural and urban populations. Between generations the problem is one of innovation: the older generation can not adapt to changes in society, thinking, management and technology. People have to sell cheap labour in the primary sector (logging etc). Rural inhabitants have more opportunities to sell labour and develop their own business. The only sector with a regular income: forestry and fishery, is also rural.
Land reform - returning land back to former owners - is giving many possibilities for legal or illegal timber and real estate business. The state can not manage the mass of legal documents and cannot control everything. Many administrators are corrupted and use their position to run illegal business. The typical place where illegal logging takes place is property, which is still without a legal owner (slow paperwork or low interest of owners).
The illegal timber business (illegal logging, corruption, organised crime, tax deception etc.) can flourish because society and legislation is very young and is poorly organised. There is also insufficient state control coupled with a weak police force.
4.1.2. State regional policy
State agricultural policy is generally a debate between political parties about how to pay subsidies and how to control the import of food. The state has not developed a working agricultural policy, training of farmers is unusual and government loans are sufficient only for living. The reality in the Estonian countryside is that everyone is producing "something" for their own needs and the average farmer is getting cash for timber and forestry work. This is also related to the seasonal economy - most farmers only have forestry work in the winters.
State control over the environment and the use of natural resources is very "slight". The unofficial regional policy for the "rural" parties (in coalition with Soviet directors) is to have less control in the countryside to give local people a chance to survive and to use raw materials for their own businesses.
Know-how for the alternative use of resources or the effective management of farms is not available (EFDP, 1998). The new thinking of environmental and forestry issues is very slow to catch on. Only some Scandinavian companies and fanatics use alternative methods in forestry on the local level and agriculture is not developed at all. There is an Estonian paraphrase of the best available technology principle -"unavailable technology", both in agriculture and forestry.
The government export policy is giving a green light to all sectors which do not generate a negative foreign trade balance. Forestry is one sector which has such a positive impact for the national budget.
4.1.3. Geographical location - Scandinavia and the Baltic Sea
The good market in Scandinavia is merely geographically and logistically determined. It is good for Estonia and bad for Estonian forests. For Estonians, Scandinavia is too close to see other markets, world market prices and what to do with money (to gain lifestyle). Scandinavia is also too close for a real need to process raw timber in situ.
Direct Scandinavian influence is also one underlying case of deforestation. For many Scandinavian firms Estonia (or more generally, the Baltic states) is the first step to the eastern market. They start with business in a close and small country near their border to acquaint personnel with eastern traditions and then later they train local managers for future expansion to the huge Russian area. Scandinavia is also close enough to provide the full spectrum of developers from good to bad.
4.2. Interest groups and objectives of actors, strategies for different interest groups.
People living in rural areas (especially middle-age and older)
a) Farmers who have to sell timber and work in logging because of the ineffective management of farms.
b) People living in previous collective farm villages and small towns - having no jobs at all with any idea what to do or where to work.
Objectives: survive, in longer perspective they dream of effective farming or going into business.
Strategies and solutions:
Because of the new political and economic situation the average Estonian citizen is not interested in environmental quality and environmental issues, nor about the quality of the products they consume. They work hard or are depressed in cases because they do not have work.
Objectives: raise the standard of living, no environmental quality objectives except dream to have a good house in a good region and a summerhouse in a quiet spot near the Baltic Sea.
Strategies and solutions:
a) People who got back the land and farms formerly belonging to them or their family - they try to sell timber or forest land.
b) Small and middle size firms trading with those farmlands - they buy all kinds of forested land, they log and sell timber and then buy a new piece of land. The management style they have selected (real estate business with very little capital) does not permit them to leave growing trees on their properties, otherwise they run out of cash. This is a real squirrel wheel and one main reason for deforestation.
Objectives: to have effective business or good job and rise their standard of living, no environmental quality objectives except dream to have a good house in a good region and a summerhouse in a quiet spot near the Baltic Sea.
Strategies and solutions:
a) International and local timber firms - there is still no need for sustainable use of forests and control of forestry practices.
b) Different criminal organisations - they deal with real estate and timber businesses, logging and illegal logging. They organise tax deception, pay bribes and use aggressive methods (guns) when needed.
Objectives: to make money with all legal or illegal methods and raise standard of living.
Strategies and solutions:
a) "Rural" parties and administrators - political parties playing roll of defenders of the rights of risk group Ia and Ib. They promise to help and subsidise and control situation, in reality they have very destructive rural policy and no ideas for real development. They do not support ideas of new or best available technology principles. The main aim of "rural parties" has been to give their members chance to fill their pockets with taxpayers money and guarantee their own success in the state controlled business sector (as management of state forests).
b) Political parties and administrators from right wing and reformist parties - they take into account only timber values in forestry in order to keep foreign trade balance under control.
Objectives: to be in power, win elections and show good results of policy for electors, to realise political power for the success of own business.
Strategies and solutions:
All kinds of administrators in government and local government - corruption is the way they can earn money for survival. They sell information, permits and promises not to check businesses.
Objectives: objectives are same as for business sector, to make money with all legal or illegal methods and raise standard of living.
Strategies and solutions:
Scandinavian timber firms want to have control over neighbouring raw material market, they use the Baltic region as the closest "pocket" reserve for bad times in the world market. They also want to find a good spring board and training for entry into the larger-scale Eastern (Russian) market.
Objectives: profit, to be in closest raw material market, to ensure raw material reserves in case of problems in the world market, to train staff for future expansion to Russian market.
Strategies and solutions:
International developers
All kinds of international developers try to sell know-how in the Baltic market because of a need to use governmental and European International Aid money and train people to work in Eastern conditions. Many Scandinavian State organisations send their "in fact unemployed" officers to the Baltics to give them something to do and to avoid problems at home. There are also a number of developers with the best intentions: they try to give good and reasonable information and help young states to develop.
Objectives: governmental and European aid money, experience and training, change and improve the world, soft pension for administrators.
Strategies and solutions:
policies and methods for effective management of forestry
methods and rules for sustainable management of forests
certification of products and landowners
Table 5. Evaluation of possible strategies and interest groups (XX - very interested;
X - interested; O - not interested)
|
Interest
groups |
Strategies |
||||||||
| Rising of public awareness | New regional policy | New, effective farming | Sust. forest management methods | Certification of forest products | New taxation policy |
Strong state control
|
European integration | International development aid | |
| Estonian citizen |
XX |
XX |
X |
X |
X |
XX |
XX |
XX |
X |
| People in rural areas |
XX |
XX |
XX |
XX |
XX |
XX |
XX |
XX |
X |
| Landowner |
XX |
XX |
XX |
XX |
XX |
XX |
O |
X |
O |
| Business |
X |
XX |
XX |
XX |
XX |
X |
O |
XX |
O |
| Political parties |
XX |
XX |
X |
X |
X |
XX |
XX |
XX |
X |
| State authorities |
X |
XX |
XX |
XX |
X |
XX |
X |
X |
X |
| Scandinavian companies |
O |
X |
O |
X |
XX |
X |
X |
XX |
X |
| International developers |
X |
XX |
XX |
XX |
XX |
XX |
X |
XX |
XX |
| NGO-s |
XX |
XX |
XX |
XX |
XX |
X |
XX |
XX |
XX |
| Total |
13 |
17 |
14 |
16 |
15 |
15 |
11 |
16 |
9 |
4.3. Discussion of possible solutions and strategy
4.3.1. Public awareness
Public awareness is the key issue of solving the underlying causes of deforestation. The Estonian public is not interested in environmental issues and quality (Ahas, R., Oja, A., 1997). Thus we have two general options:
I. Work with forestry issues in a situation of very little public awareness
4.3.2. State regional policy and methods for sustainable use of resources
State regional policy must orient more towards:
In Estonia there are still 25% of private forest owners and the state (60% of total forest area) who are to some extent interested in more sustainable management. We have to concentrate on working with these interest groups:
A more effective state role would include the following: effective control over state and private forests, independent control (environmental inspection) of state authorities and functions, a more effective taxation policy for farmers and illegal businesses, a new taxation policy supporting sustainable management in rural areas and the linking of existing subsidies in agriculture with methods of sustainable management.
4.3.4. European integration
European integration will give a new perspective for forest management and protection in Estonia, perhaps leading to: new chances for sustainable use and protection of forests, new prospects for a better regional policy, new chances to create a new agricultural policy, subsidies and market as well as new markets for timber and timber products.
4.4. Possible actors
* Local NGO-s network
* Scientists and specialists
* Environmental management businesses
* Interested state organisations and administrators
* Political parties and politicians
* International NGO network
* International aid and consulting business
* Interested international and local firms
There are many possibilities and strategies for changing the existing non-sustainable forestry management in Estonia. For the selection of the best strategies more evaluation and valuation of the effectiveness of methods is needed. The current study shows that there are a number of methods with very good potential and reasonable cost-effectiveness:
a) New regional policy
b) Sustainable forest management methods
c) European integration
One key issue for all Estonian development and for environmental issues is to raise public awareness, to make people interested in environmental and life quality in a broad sense.
Ahas, R., Larson, B., 1996. Sustainable Market-Based Forestry and the Financial Benefits of Forest Management in Estonia: A Local-Level Case Study. Harvard Institute for International Development. Environment and Discussion Paper, No 12.
Ahas, R., Oja, A., 1997. Estonian NGO-s forest protection strategy. Draft program, (In Estonian). Estonian Green Movement. Tartu.
Estonian Environmental Strategy, 1997. Estonian Ministry of Environment. Tallinn.
EFDP, 1998. Biodiversity management strategy for commercial forests of Estonia. EFDP. Tallinn.
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